The reasons for this growing divergence between movement and stale agents over time can only be understood by looking at the interplay of social activism with political and economic practice in a manner which does not characterise social forces in a monolithic fashion. 4, Winter 1985); Sidney Tarrow. In order lo overcome this erroneous dichotomisation of action in international relations theory, an explicit recognition of the importance of the interaction between peace movements as social agents and the forms taken by domestic and international political and economic practices is necessary." He argued in a speech at Chatham House later that year: "Both the German and Russian regimes, today, represent a reaction against the individualistic ideology prevailing at any, in Western Europe, for the last hundred and fifty years...The whole system of individualist laissez-faire economy has we know, broken down. 38, No. This in and of itself, nevertheless, still embodied a new type of politicisation of security issues and slate policies of war and peace, since the attempt by social forces to influence citizen acquiescence in such policies was heretofore unknown. 63. Carr equated liberalism with utopianism, and refused to see how the latter might include categories that could be differentiated from the former. The League enjoyed considerable organising success on both sides of the Atlantic. Beware of Gurus: Structure and Action in International Relations', Review of International Studies (Vol. Rather they asserted that the reality was that certain forms of international behaviour had led to the outbreak of the most horrific war in human history...and therefore they must be changed'. 39. Peace movements believed that these norms, when institutionalised through a league of nations, would also replace the management of conflict by either unstable alliances or Great Power machinations. Connections Between Pre-World War I and Internar Movements. False notions of harmony cause most principles to be skewed toward the interests of the powerful; the necessity of addressing questions of power makes moral considerations impossible to follow in international politics. NY: Hill and Wang, 1967). On the other hand there was Bakunin, whose radical interpretation of the theories of Fourier, Saint-Simon and Owen were to lead him to a more doctrinaire violence." 45. After the war he associated with a group of left-wing historians that included Isaac Deutscher, Christopher Hill, Alan J. P. Taylor and Harold Laski. 32, No. 12, No. 22, No. ISBN: 0-06-131122-7 _____ “To the Makers of the Coming Peace” - E.H. Carr’s dedication of his book The Twenty Years’ Crisis already speaks for the content of the following masterpiece,… The attendance at the peace congresses was at first almost exclusively Anglo-American, with 292 British delegates, 26 US delegates and six continental delegates attending the London meeting of 1843. Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, op.cit., in note 29, p. 22, and Beales,'"op.cit., in note 19. p. 'congress of nations' (a project continually pushed by Burrilt, who was originally inspired by William Ladd's writings of the 1820s), were opposed by the Europeans." 24. He explicitly criticised attempts to found state behaviour on a legal or ethical basis as part and parcel of the belief in a harmony of interests. 18. 1979), and Kuehl, op.cit., in nole 64. rights and the concomitant disregard for the 'self-determination of peoples'—was seen by the end of World War I to assist in perpetuating an unjust status quo. ), 'Richard Cobden', in The Anglo-American Tradition in Foreign Affairs (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1956), pp. It is a very right and proper thing to employ poison gas against them." Carr favoured the appeasement policies of Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain. This is of course, untrue. In other works including The Moral Foundations for World Order (Denver, CO: Social Science Foundation, University of Denver, 1948), and Conditions of Peace (London: Macmillan, 1942), Carr appears to moderale some of his views regaining the possibilities of morality and law expressed in The Twenty Years' Crisis. Keywords: Norman Angell, E.H. Carr, Alfr ed Zimmern, the League of Nations Introduction The interwar body of ‘idealist’ thinkers in International Relations have been 23-25. experiment in internationalism that was the League of Nations. Poliiics and Reform (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989); Ben Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi and Sidney Tarrow (eds,), International Social Movement Research, Vol. Carr insisted that "peace at any price must be the foundation of British policy". ElemenLs of this "recognition' are currently referred to in the international relations literature as the 'agcnl-struclurc debate'. For late nineteenth century internationalists, this was to be complemented by the codification of international law, which would impose concomitant rights and obligations upon all states and thereby reinforce the boundaries of acceptable state behaviour. See, for example, A.C.F. Carr published a defence of appeasement in his book, The Twenty Year Crisis (1939): "Having demolished the current utopia with the weapons of realism, we still need to build a new utopia of our own, which will one day fall to the same weapons. Beales, op.cit., in note 19, and Merle Curti, opxii.. in note 19. Throughout The Twenty Years' Crisis, however, social agents are placed in the category of utopianism'primarily when they are viewed as supporting the League of Nations, or international law and organisation more generally. First get your facts straight, then plunge at your peril into the shifting sands of interpretation - that is the ultimate wisdom of the empirical, common-sense school of history. Edward Hallett Carr, the son of Francis Parker and Jesse Hallet Carr, was born in London on 28th June, 1892. 30. The peace congresses did not receive much, if any, official notice, and their proceedings and plans were ridiculed by those segments of (he press who did pay attention." Those 1 have relied on most extensively include two early surveys of movement activity: A.C.F. Neither the French,.British or US governments were enthusiastic about the World Disarmament Conference of 1932, held under League auspices, precisely because they did not wish to be held to standards of parity in armaments, and it took the British movement ten years to convince its government to sign the Optional Clause, which committed Britain to 'obligatory arbitration' in the event of conflict.81 Norms such as universal participation and equality of status, despite the fact that they have been only partially institutionalised in twentieth century global international organisations, can do more than mask the interests of the powerful in maintaining the status. It used to be said that facts speak for themselves. 46. But far from a continuation of mid-nineteenth century notions of 'harmony', or even the continuation of ideas favouring the internationalisation of liberal standards on the part of Progressive-era elites, interwar peace movements and their supporters by-and-large believed that international legal norms and institutions had to possess the capacity to control, in addition to reform, states' war-prone tendencies. Now, however, historians are revising their analyses of Wilsonianism and the foundation of the League of Nations to gram peace movements a greater and potentially determinative role.71 Indeed, it appears lo be the case that important components of early twentieth century movements—including ihe Fabians in Britain and the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom in the United States—did wield more influence on the development of schemes for global international organisation than previously thought." pp. 75. 3, Summer 1983), pp. 72. '2 Indeed, throughout the century peace activism focused on arbitration, through promoting bilateral arbitration treaties and clauses in treaties. He labels the post-war international … Churchill added that he would very much like the "Bolsheviks" to have it. Most nefarious, for him, is the attempt to institutionalise such notions in the form of global international organisation. Cooper, op.cit., in note 29, pp. 'By 1846 the Anti-Corn Law League was the most powerful national pressure group England had known'. 3. pp. However, neither strict pacifism nor Cobden's brand of free trade liberalism were able to survive the mid-century wars fought by Britain and the United Slates intact. No. I (Greenwich. America, by a United States of Europe, or by a League of Nations. He was educated at the Merchant Taylors' School in London, and Trinity College, Cambridge. CT: J Al Press. The utopian’s ‘peace through law’ approach by means of the League of Nations and its imposition of Germany’s reparations was to legitimise the victors’ utopian norms on universal rule of law and mask their true aim to maintain the Great Power status quo. Specific ethical principles such as 'equality of status' can thus have little meaning when applied to relations between states.56 The problem of designing a moral code is compounded when dealing with the anarchic nature of international politics. 127-31. Jonathan Haslam described Carr as: "Fervently individualist, ferociously intelligent, and scrupulously honest, Carr was by nature reserved and taciturn. Howe, in 'The Utopian Realism of E.H. Cair', Review of International Studies (Vol. This article proceeds first by reviewing the 'realist tradition' as articulated by Carr. NY: Harper Collins. I, 1989), pp. Brock, Twentieth-Century Pacifism, op.cit„ in note 29, p. 7. They were affected by sociological developments in each period and by their consequent interaction with other types of domestic issues and movements; their goals and composition were often transformed by wars and international economic rivalries, and they were spurred on by nascent attempts at institutionalised international cooperation. Nevertheless, the 1840s were also marked by a series of 'international peace congresses' which provided a fomm for the articulation and debate of a wide range of normative projects (including the idea of a 'congress of nations'), some of which would endure beyond the era of belief in the unity of free trade and peace. Great Britain and the Creation of the League of Nations, Strategy, Politics and International Organization, 1914-1919 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. In the last decades of the century, peace activism first appeared to lake up where it had left off in the 1850s: the decline of the quasi-pacifist and radical. '817-68 and 663-716, respectively, 3.1 have conceptualized the particular social forces I am concerned with in this study as 'social' or 'peace movements' for several reasons: 1) lo capture the loose association of groups that press for normative changes in slate practice in various historical periods, and 2) as a contrast lo notions of mass/public opinion. Carr’s book occupies a special place in the field of IR for two reasons. 2, Spring 1984), especially pp. The term social movements, as used in this article, denotes loose associations of actors who work for their goals (out of necessity or choice) at least in part outside of 'traditional' political channels, and within the arena of 'civil society'. If one situates the development of movements in the midst of domestic and international influences of their times, it is evident that movements should not be typecast solely as static representatives of particular interests or 'pie-in-the-sky' Utopians incapable of evolution or reflexivity regarding the political and economic practices of their limes. Although I am using Carr's Twenty Years' Crisis as a prototype and forerunner of an extremely influential tendency in international relations theory. Peace movement activism and goals, therefore, have evolved over lime. Still, they represented the first public discussions of and agreement by various movement factions (religious pacifists, members of Burritt's League, and centrist peace society members) on incipient institutionalised expressions of the international legal norm of conflict resolution through arbitration. Peace movements have consistently promoted a vision of international life based on inculcating particular standards of state behaviour into international practice. 6. He continued to write extensively about politics and in 1937 was a strong supporter of non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War. 16. Peace Movements in America (New York. This was the basis for Carr's interpretation of the notion of a 'harmony of interests'. The effect of mid-century wars was to shatter the fragile unity between the original religious peace groups, the small radical components and the then-dominant free trade leadership. He disparaged, for example, the campaign for 'the popularisation of international politics' in the 1920s and 1930s as an overly emotional reaction to the breakdown of international order during the pre-war years.3' He painted utopianism with a broad brush, as encompassing virtually all attempts to 'reform' foreign policy so that it conformed to given rules of behaviour and/or moral principles. Sovereignty, the League of Nations and India's princely geographies, Waging peace: militarising pacifism in Central Africa and the problem of geography, 1962, Reporting oppression: mapping racial prejudice in Anti-Caste and Fraternity, 1888–1895, of scientific paper in Political Science , author of scholarly article — C. Lynch, on topic "E.H. Carr, International Relations Theory, and the Societal Origins of International Legal Norms", Millennium: Journal of International Studies. quo\ they may also provide a mechanism for furthering and legitimising change in the international system," often (although admittedly not always) in opposition lo the interests of the powerful, as would later be the case during and after the era of decolonisation. In fad, the notion of a false 'harmony' founded upon the interests of the powerful probably applies best to the US-led international order after World War 11. For a discussion of this point, sec Gregoty Claeys, 'Mazzini, Kossuth, and British Radicalism, 1848-1854', Journal of British Studies (Vol. ", A major component of the link between liberalism and peace at tjiis time, justifying Carr's critique of the liberal harmony of interests, was peace groups' tendency to support the international status quo against revolutionary movements. Charles DeBenedetti (ed.l. This failure was the product not only of his opposition of realism and utopianism, but also of his inaccurate attempt to marginalise ail such moves as the product of 'bankrupt' nineteenth century ideas. His father was a supporter of the Conservative Party until moving to the Liberal Party in 1903 over the Free Trade issue. 17. During the middle of the century, peace and free trade became tightly linked, and many prominent peace workers and groups adhered to the "harmony of interests', in this case the belief that free trade and the right to ownership of private property increased both the prosperity of the individual and the prospects for peace in the international polity. 23-24, and Beales, op.cil., in note 19, p. 68. Anglo-American political and economic liberalism rested, for Carr, on the false assumption that that which promoted the welfare of the individual also advanced the well-being of the collectivity. The facts speak only when historians calls on them: it is he who decides to which facts to give the floor, and in what order or context. 22. 10, No. Peace movements grew, reformed and transformed themselves, and declined in response to varying national and international developments. It received a visceral attack in E. H. Carr’s The Twenty Years’ Crisis (1939). Brock, Freedom from War, op.cil„ in note 19, pp. The important question for Europe at the present time is... whether the steel production of the Soviet Union will overtake that of Great Britain and France... whether Europe can discover in herself a driving force, an intensity of faith comparable to that now being generated in Russia". Individualism implies differentiation; everything that is undifferentiated does not count. See Alexander Wendl, 'The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory", International Organization (Vol. Movement influence on governments in the pre-World War I period probably peaked with the Second Hague Conference of !907, 'a meeting that the powers would not have spontaneously convoked without considerable pressure exerted on them'. 38. 13-14. 43. For example, at times utopianism comprises intellectuals as opposed to the masses; at others it includes mass public opinion against governments; at still others it consists primarily of the British and French governments (the 'satisfied powers') against Germany and Italy; and yet at still others it seems to be mainly the Left against both governments and the masses. rudimentary judicial machinery through establishing first a World Court and second a 'congress of nations'.". The coalition of mid-century peace forces on both sides of the Atlantic, however, also began to organise 'international' peace congresses in the 1840s. 29. If you can detect none, either you are tone deaf or your historian is a dull dog. Thus, as a result of both the changing sociological composition of groups interested in 'peace' and the new competition between stales for colonies and prestige, the mix of norms and institutions that peace activists attempted to internationalise evolved away from the notion of a harmony of interests. History means interpretation. Carr later admitted: "Like a lot of other people, I took refuge in Utopian visions of a new world order after the war. Moreover, in addition to the negative effects that involvement in war produced for the individual movements in each country, the Civil War caused a breech of the heretofore amicable communications between the British and American peace societies: the British could not approve of the majority of US peace workers' endorsement of the war." No. 1994), p. 289; Joshua S. Goldstein, International Relations (New York. Global Governance will provide a much-needed forum.for practitioners and academics to discuss the impact of international institutions and multilateral processes on: In particular, Global Governance welcomes articles challenging the conventional wisdom, whether written by scholars or by practitioners who work with and within international institutions. The last decade of the 1800s and the first two decades of the 1900s are often referred to as the 'progressive' era, one characterised by a 'search for order'," when 'the gospel of expertise and efficiency merged with economic regulation, social control, and humanitarian reform to become a conspicuous part of the public life of both countries'." E.H. Although much of Carr's advice regarding the need to found stale relationships on an acknowledgment of power was, arguably, mote rigorously followed during this period than in previous ones, the post-World War II period was also the one most marked by the belief that 'realism' concerning power relationships goes, hand-in-hand with securing liberal prosperity and international harmony. What we know as the facts of medieval history have almost all been selected for us by generations of chroniclers who were professionally occupied in the theory and practice of religion, and who therefore thought it supremely important, and recorded everything relating to it, and not much else. 627-28. See Hedley Bull, 'The Twenty Years' Crisis Thirty Yeats On'. political components. But the point is that we can hardly do anything about the first question and a great deal about the second". In the book, Karl Marx: A Study in Fanaticism, Carr attacked Marx's political ideas and claimed that it was motivated by "mindless class hatred". First, if one looks carefully at the character and goals of peace activism vis-à-vis international legal standards, one sees that not only has Carr vastly oversimplified complex historical phenomena in creating the realist/idealist dichotomy, but also that his critique of the harmony of interests, and his linkage of that notion to peace activism, in fact applies primarily to the height of Cobdenism in the middle of the nineteenth century, somewhat less to turn of the. On the sources of international law, see, for example, the classic text by J. L. Briefly. Find books We Liberals were a tiny despised minority. Two years later he moved to Trinity College. Mid-nineieenth century 'idealism' and one component of its late nineteenth century successor were products of liberal political institutions, a belief in a British and/or American mission cirilisatrice, and faith in the unity of the free trade ethic and peace. On 2nd October, 1918, the British government arranged for the diplomats to be exchanged for captive Soviet officials such as Maxim Litvinov. See Martin David Dubin, 'Toward the Concept of Collective Security: The Bryce Group's "Proposals for Ihe Avoidance of War", 1914-1917", International Organization (Vol. 10-13; and Marchand, op.cit., in note if), passim. The historian without his facts is rootless and futile; the facts without the historian are dead and meaningless. Ibid., p. 398. and Brock, Freedom from War, op.cil., in note 19, pp. 43. The second international peace congress in particular was shaped by a liberal political-economic agenda, with Richard Cobden in attendance." But this is the very converse of the nineteenth-century heresy that history consists of the compilation of a maximum number irrefutable and objective facts. 80-81; Winner, op.cit., in note 29, pp. They also focus on nineteenth century peace groups' emphasis on arbitration and international adjudication of disputes, and the culmination of this work in the decision by governments to take steps towards codifying international law and creating. The Twenty Years’ Crisis by Edward H. Carr If asked to list the major classics of International Relations off the cuff, few informed students would fail to mention E. H. Carr’s The Twenty Years’ Crisis. The early twentieth century, and particularly the inlerwar period, was marked by the continuation of attempts to increase the effectiveness of the World Court and international arbitration machinery, efforts to expand the meaning of universalism and equality of status through constructing and maintaining a League of Nations (after World War I in particular, the League was seen by peace movements as the primary means of restraining Great Powers from promoting their interests at the expense of smaller slates as well as of 'peoples': this, by extension, was seen as key to the prevention of war), and the move toward attempts to create new types of control of state war-making powers, particularly in the form of disarmament conventions and treaties. By and large, the historian will get the kind of facts he wants. 44. 28, July 1989), pp. All of Ihese societal elements—religious, pacifist, socialist, internationalist, and liberal—traditionally comprise peace movements in both Britain and the United States and, although they differ in their motives and some of their goals, they have come together over the past two centuries to advocate common programs and minimum international legal norms as a means of achieving international peace.10. However, despite the fact that movements tended not to target political institutions, they did begin discussing and debating methods of reversing and transcending the 'custom of war',40 Both pacifists and other anti-war society members agreed even at this stage on the need to renounce wars of 'aggression'; their joint call of opposition to the 'customary' character of war represented a nascent aspiration and the beginnings of action to influence international legal norms. Peace or Ifer; The American Struggle. If the historian necessarily looks at his period of history through the eyes of his own time, and studies the problems of the past as a key to those of the present, will he not fall into a purely pragmatic view of the facts, and maintain the criterion of a right interpretation is its suitability to some present purpose? ISSN 0305-8298. 2 Peter Wilson, 'The Myth of the First Great Debate', Review of International Studies, Vol. He was supported in this by Sir Keith Price, the head of the chemical warfare, at Porton Down. This book is impressively argued, but I couldn't help but think that I would have been a lot more interested in it when I was a college student, when the issues it raised for some reason seemed more relevant in my life.Basically, E.H. Carr urged greater realism in international relations after the disasters of the post-World War I era and the ineffectiveness of the League of Nations. Reisman and Anloniou, The Laws cfWar (New York, NY: Random House, 1994), p. xviii. Profession: Historian, historiographer, academic, diplomat. 207208. The London Peace Society rejected collaboration with non-believers, and the American Peace Society also made Christian beliefs a prerequisite for membership until 1901, although this provision ceased to be rigidly enforced long before the turn of the century. 1986), p. 26; Nigel Young, 'Tradition and Innovation in the British Peace Movement: Towards an Analytical Framework', in Taylor and Young (eds. Beales. of law and institutions.6 Depending on the tradition of international law that one adheres to, mle-following may be seen as desirable merely to achieve some type of 'practical association' of actors, or it may be promoted for the purpose of achieving some other perceived good, for example, status quo stability, a just distribution of resources, economic prosperity (for the few or for all), or an international peace thai may be based on one or a combination of other goods. Since its publication, The Twenty Years' Crisis has been an essential book in the study of international relations. The trends toward professionalisation of many occupations [e.g., leaching, medicine, law, and social work) did little at first to negate the growing elite Establishment influence on the movements—indeed, well-connected spokespersons were most often seen as a boon to the cause. Pacifist opposition to war took the form of ethical opposition to all killing, while many who opposed war on a more selective basis, later to be called 'pacificists' and some to become 'internationalists', promoted a Whiggish-functionalist belief in international progress and reform.". Why has E.?H. The 1857 elections became to a large extent a referendum on Palmerston, including his activist foreign policy in both the Crimea and China. Classical realism is distinguished here from neorealism and structural realism, in that the former at least implicitly and often explicitly addresses questions of the possibilities of ethical action in international life, and the role of various levels of actors in achieving order, peace and security.12 Indeed, CarT in particular and classical realism in general have enjoyed a renaissance of interest on the pan of many critics of structural realism who see in classical realism both a more holistic analysis and a more sophisticated method of. 126-31. His statement was untrue. Favourable comparisons of classical versus neo- or structural realism gained momentum in 1984 with Richard Ashley's article, 'The Poverty of Neorealism', Imernalional Organi-ation (Vol. In March 1940, Carr was employed by the editor, Geoffrey Dawson, the editor of The Times as a leader writer. They also had no developed economic programme or critique. It is also unclear how such a moral order can be founded on the type of 'realistic' assessment of power that does not attempt to transcend given power relationships, since powerful states, as Carr himself emphasises so welt, have little interest in promoting the authority or prosperity of those who challenge their position. pp. Carr’s work examines why the League of Nations and the peace as implemented by the Treaty of Versailles failed, ultimately resulting in WWII. Hedley Bull, in a re-evaluation of Carr written twenty-five years ago, also notes 'the artificiality of some of the dichotomies' contained in The Twenty Years' Crisis, especially 'the breathtaking equation in chapter II. Carr grew up with David Lloyd George as his political hero. ", In The Soviet Impact on the Western World (1946) Carr argued that "The trend away from individualism and towards totalitarianism is everywhere unmistakable...The social and economic system of the Soviet Union, offering-as it does-almost unlimited possibilities of internal development, is hardly subject to those specific stimuli which dictated expansionist policies to capitalist Britain in the 19th century... there is nothing in Soviet policy so far to suggest that the east-west movement is likely to take the form of armed aggression or military conquest. Carr now became Professor of International Politics at the University of Wales. Rengger, 'Introduction: Theories. It will perhaps one day be recognized as the greatest service of Hitlerism that, in a way quite unprecedented in German politics, it cut across all social distinctions, embracing in its ranks working men, bourgeoisie, intelligentsia and aristocrats. This was especially true of the League of Nations societies and the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) in both countries, demonstrated by a review of the minutes of their meetings over the period. 335-70; David Dessler. Just as the original American and London Peace Societies were aware of each other's work and look steps to communicate with each other, William Lloyd Garrison's New England Non-Resistance' Society, founded in 1838, sent emissaries to Britain to recruit working-class Chartists to the methods of non-resistance, although with only limited success.41 Likewise, labour activism for peace began to spread to the United Slates: in 1846 Elihu Burrilt founded the League of Human Brotherhood, an international organisation that attempted to attract a working class membership." This article explores an important aspect of peace movements' impact on international relations. Morgenthau, Hans. Carr disagreed with the Minister of War, Winston Churchill, who took the controversial decision to use the stockpiles of M Device (diphenylaminechloroarsine) against the Red Army who were involved in fighting against invading forces hostile to the Russian Revolution. 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